- Title: [SW Governance]Speech of H.E.the
President of the Republic of Djibouti Mr. Ismail Omar Guelle at the 54th session of
UN General Assembly on 22nd Sept 99.
- From:[]
- Date :[]22 Sept 1999
Speech of H.E.the
President of the Republic of Djibouti Mr. Ismail Omar Guelle at the 54th session of
UN General Assembly on 22nd Sept 99.
Bismillahi Rahmaani Rahiim. Monsignor
President, in this historic final General Assembly meeting of this millenium, which is my
first since I took office in May this year, I extend on behalf of the people of Djibouti
our sincere best wishes to all in this august hall. I also extend you, Mr. President, my
congratulations on your election as President of this 54th session. Your long and
extensive experience in the UN beginning as a representative of SWAPO and continuing as
your countries Foreign Affairs, has given you a deep inside into the assembly's inner
working and the challenges it now faces. Thanks to your skills and commitment, we're
convinced that this General Assembly session will brink a remarkable period to a close and
a possible note. We also want to acknowledge our gratitude to your predecessor Mr. ? Of
Uruguay for the exemplary manner in which he conducted the work of the General Assembly.
That the 53rd G. Assembly was able to accomplish so much was in large measures due to his
dedication, skill and intelligence management. We must also confess our admiration for the
consonant efforts of the SG in continuing this exemplary work in difficult and trying
circumstances. On too many fronts, the organization has been facing challenges to its
proper functions, weather it be matters of conflict and peace, development or addressing
the severe poverty faced by many in the world's community despite sharp reductions in
funds at a time of escalating demands in the organization, the SG has always managed to
maintain a high degree of effectiveness, through intelligence streamlining and
restructuring. The organization consequently continued to be a significant factor in world
affairs and in no small measure due to the leadership of the SG.
Mr. President, as this millenium draws to a close, we find
ourselves in a post-cold war era of globalism, the doctrine that the pursuit of economic
and financial prosperity by everyone.......... With the spread of technology, particularly
in the communications sector, it is now possible for companies and organizations to
cooperate on a global scale, entering virtually any local market of their choosing,
consequently economic domination has shifted to the large transnational corporation and
financial conglamorants, which are increasingly the prime movers of the economic system.
Predictably, the poor and unprepared are increasingly isolated and marginalized. Not
surprisingly, therefore, there is a mounting widespread backlash against the destructive
effects of this global juggernaut. The old free market system of post-world war two in the
Marshall plan era survived because there was few losers. Everyone got something from the
system and could claim ownership. We can't say that today for the roster of losers is
mounting ominously. It is a distressing time for the new millenium not be tragic and
infuriating because of the abundance of possible remedies. We can make the system work
effectively and beneficially if the will is there. But at the moment, the international
community lacks the determination and a sense of compassion. This does not bode well for
mankind. No doubt, globalizations or the rabid expansion and integration of the
international economy has brought about immense benefits to many countries and positive
changes in the lives of many individuals. However, a great number of countries,
particularly in the developing countries are increasingly facing marginalization,
hopelessness, not able to cope with the rapid pace of integration. The least developed
countries particularly require special attention so that they don't go further into the
abyss of poverty and disintegration.
Mr. President, clearly the Horn of Africa has witnessed far
more than its share of wars, natural disasters, state collapsing, economic decline and
natural and human potential. For Djibouti, survival alone has consistently presented an
enormous challenge, however our nation is today stronger and more unified than ever before
and we owe this to the wisdom, perseverance and foresight of our first president and
father of the nation, my mentor, the Honorable Al-Haji Hassan Guleed Abtidoon, who
voluntarily retired two months ago, a praiseworthy decision, indeed. He was able to forge
a nation with purpose and strength. His leadership enabled us to remain in peace, yet
sensitive to our region's difficulties and needs. I'm proud to follow in the footsteps of
this great soul and I'm determined to safeguard his legacy as well as our democratic
traditions and institutions. Djibouti will continue to work for good government,
democratization, freedom and liberty and without overlooking human rights. We will
continue, due to our cultural heritage, to provide refuge to people faced with conflicts
in our region, spite the severe strain, which this entails for our meager resources.......
Mr. President, Africa has many hopeful spots, but there
remains a number of disturbing conflicts involving nations, countless rebels, splinter
movements and factions. Democratic election has taken place in Sub-Sahara Africa's two
major countries, Nigeria and South Africa, and in smaller ones, such as Djibouti, while in
most of the major conflicts in the continent, some type of peace processes are underway.
In looking over these developments, what can you reasonably expect what we must strive to
bring about? Our first priority certainly must be to bring conflicts and destruction to an
end. As these conflicts rage across the heart of the continent, a dangerous new tendency
is becoming more evident. Conflicts are no longer localized or fought between two clear
adversaries but attract a growing legion of participants that has divergent agendas. It is
depressing to witness the massive lose of live, wanton destruction and virtual collapse to
society. We are therefore relieved that the brutal conflict in Siera Leone is at last
resolved. Besides Somalia, perhaps the most worrying conflict
now is Angola, were again outside actors appear to be assuming significant role. So we
naturally support the calls for the SG, who in his report for Conflict in Africa blah blah
blah..........
ON The Ethiopia/Eritrea
Situation - Mr. President, last year in his address to the Assembly, my
predecessor noted the sudden and surprising outbreak of massive hostility between our
neighbors, Ethiopia and Eritrea. It is been the cause of much anguish, apprehension and
instability in the Horn of Africa. The lose of live on both sides is among the greatest
ever witnessed between African States. Persistent efforts by the OAU and other countries,
including Djibouti have proven elusive. At present, we understand Ethiopia is seeking
further clarifications on the technical arrangements proposed by the OAU and we hope that
the on-going effort will produce the desired break throw. Should the present undeclared
cease-fire not hold and agreement not be reached the potential for destruction and further
lose of live will be considerable. Years will be necessary to repair the damage done to
ethnic intolerance and trust in the Horn. We, therefore support the OAU in its tenacity
and foresight to bring about a lasting solution to this crisis. Clearly, Eritrea needs to
be a good neighbor to all her neighbors. Djibouti is right now facing a relentless threat
of destabilization, through incursions and land mines, including the training and arming
of disgruntled elements. Rather than confining its conflict with Ethiopia, we're seeing a
broadening of hostility, embracing practically all the countries in the Horn. Sincerely,
we believe Eritrea will gain more as an equal partner of the collective regional efforts
to fashion comprehensive peace, augment development and address the challenges of
environmental degradation, rather than pursuing a senseless and reckless policy of
confrontation and destabilization......
ON SOMALIA -
Mr. President, I would like to talk about Somalia and I ask your indulgence. For more than
a decade now, we've been witnessing a relentless disintegration of Somalia, racked as it
is with violence, the denial of basic human rights and lack of Government. Against this
backdrop of millions of Somalians living a decade old precarious existence of alarming
scarcity of food, shelter, rampant lawlessness, political stalemate and a bleak future in
all other aspects, it is absolutely necessary to do something. Because the consequences of
shying away from taking measures that have a tangible impact will be continued misery and
despair and the potential for a continued destabilization of its neighbors. This unique
situation, I would even say this tragedy, are to be given priority, the kind of serious
attention given to other tragedies. We strongly believe that a stable, international and
regional order depends, in large measures on a stable domestic order in all member
countries of this organization. It is a tragedy that the International community is
unwilling to acknowledge this reality, simply because, it seems that there are no vital
national interest at stake here. So, the quarrelsome Warlords are
left to fight it out until a victor emerges and a degree of order is restored. Political
will on the part of the International community can bring peace to Somalia, too. Because
of the pervasive indifference and lack of a vigorous and visionary action on our part,
Somalia is falling apart. No longer a politically viable entity, indeed the continued
anarchy in Somalia is indicative of the failure of global Governance to serve poor
countries in the developing world. The Somali people recognize that too well. A decade of
violence, hunger, deceases and uncertainty has brought unparalleled flood of despair that
exists virtually nowhere else in the world. All Somalis, it is safe to say, are living
below the poverty line and the devastating Civil War shows no abetting in most regions of
the country. Additionally, the country is prone to becoming a magnet for criminal
elements, drug traffickers, terrorist and a dumping ground of dangerous toxic waste.
Over-fishing in Somalia's unprotected waters by foreigners is also a cause of great
concern to us. The latest Comprehensive Report of the SG on Somalia accurately notes that
the country has degenerated into a BLACKHOLE OF ANARCHY, with no national Government or
any attributes of Stateness. The principal victims of this senseless conflict is an entire
generation of Somali children denied access to education. The UN intervention in Somalia
in 1992 got all good intentions of restoring peace, stability and law and order, and it
must be said it was intrusted with assisting the Somali people in re-building their
economy, their social and political lives, rebuilding institutional structures, achieving
national political reconciliation and recreating a Somali State based on democratic
governance. These laudable intentions have come unfortunately to a standstill following
the termination of UNOSOM in Somalia, due to the lack of sufficient cooperation from the
Somali factions over security issues, while recognizing the exceptional circumstances, for
example the absence of a government in Somalia. Since the termination of UNOSOM in
Somalia, two hopeful conferences were held in1997; the Ethiopian-sponsored
"Sodere" and the Egyptian-sponsored "Cairo". However, both conferences
have only succeeded in highlighting the divisions between the Warlords
on the one hand and the interested countries on the other. Many countries and
organization have worked relentlessly to restore some measure of governance in Somalia.
However, the focus has always remained on ways to bring together the feuding Warlords in order to assist them in reaching an agreement that
would end the stalemate. However, seeking a lasting settlement through the Warlords has abundantly and unambiguously demonstrated throughout
this conflict has proven to be wishful thinking. Uncertainty reigns and the culture of
impunity continues. Lately, we've seen all sorts of political and military alliances
across factional lines in a bid to pacify the country, but such initiatives have all been
greeted with immediate skepticism and criticism by other factions and even by some
countries. Clearly not a single factional leader can claim national support or acceptance,
because the Somali Civil Society has grown cynical about the habitual political being that
is devoid of sincerity, vision and substance. Now all agree that the Warlords
has nothing to show which engenders confidence that they will ever agree on a
lasting peaceful settlement, much less the implementation of agreed upon conclusion.
People are tired of false rhetoric and deception, have become poor and poor, and their
future become bleaker every day. Even beyond Somalia, the Warlords represent
a potential danger. They need to be resisted for there is some very real problem of a
contaging effect whereby chronic instability in one country in the Horn might prove to be
a potent threat to its neighbors if it is not contained or eliminated within a reasonable
period of time. Liberia's seven years of war with child soldiers and graphic atrocities
against innocent civilians has helped to set a tragic pattern that has bee repeated in
Siera Leone. Obviously, already inundated with weapons, Somalia hardly needs external
involvement by way of arms or proxy confrontations. But that is precisely what is now
taking place inside Somalia. For all of this, we're all worrying about Somalia's future.
The challenge that we now collectively face, therefore, is establishing an authority to
fill in the vacuum, which is continuously exploited by the Warlords.
The convening of more conferences will bring more of the same of the last ten years. If we
continue to entertain the notion of holding yet more of the so-called National
Reconciliation Conferences indefinitely into the next decade in search of Peace in
Somalia, then we're in effect saying that the Somali Civil Society is
condemned to an uncertain future, because the International Community is not prepared to
protect them. The Warlords have never agreed and will never
agree on anything. Appeasing the warlords has not worked and
never will. The Somalis has Human Rights, too. They have every right to be protected from
oppressive, reckless and power hungry individuals who continually freely move from one
capital to another, raising funds and securing armaments. Although these individuals are
responsible for the destruction of the country, for the deaths of tens of thousands of
innocent civilians, countless number of casualties and for the paralysis that continues to
this day. The International Community did not intervene in Somalia, as one Western leader
said to justify the Kosovo operation, to defend humanitarian
principles and to stand up to the values of civilization and justice. UNOSOM operation in
Somalia was also saddled with ambiguities in its mandate. In Kosovo, there was vigorous
action to achieve a specific objective; to drive the marauding Serb Army from Kosovo, and
the UN operation established in Kosovo was invested in unprecedented power which is
justified under the circumstances to exercise near-sovereign powers. They had authority
over the territory and people of Kosovo, including all legislative powers,
including the administration of the judiciary. This Mandate is a far cry from that in
Somalia. But then Somalia is not Kosovo
Since the advent of the Somali Civil about 10 years ago,
The UN, the OAU, the League of Arab States, the OSS, and the sub-region organization,
IGAD, including many countries, both within and outside the region have tried to salvage
this nation from mayhem, anarchy and political paralysis, through all kinds of
conferences, leading with and among the Warlords. Sadly,
however, the Warlords have routinely demonstrated their
unwillingness to heed the International Communities' call to put the good of the country
above their individual lust for power and control. We have to ask ourselves, as leaders of
the world assembled here, what should we do about Somalia? The time has come in our view
for the International Community to take a decision to break the long silence on this
forgotten conflict by supporting bold counter measures against the Warlords.
That is why after these reflections and after taking into account all relevant factors I
was compelled to set out before you today a serious of proposals and measures in phases
that portray our outrage, frustration and impatience with the status quo perpetuated by
the warlords.
I take this as PHASE ONE, as I
have extensively and with great pain described the dismal failure of the Warlords to live up to anything during this long intractable Civil
War. I’m loath to support yet another conference held uniquely for the Warlords who have lost the confidence of their people. It is time
the Somali Civil Society, including Intellectuals, Artists
and Mothers take the responsibility. The Somali people have matured politically during
these years of suffering and know what it lacks economic prosperity, social progress,
democratic governance, liberty and peace. In line with the wishes of the Somali People,
Djibouti is embarking upon measures intended to enhance and strengthen the confidence of
the Somalis in themselves, among one another in their common destiny to establish a true
harmony and understanding between the actors of the economic, social and intellectual
lives to implement with determination the remedy and equity, the restoration of political
parity and to promote the culture of dialogue between the Somali People in order to create
an enabling environment to the emergence of a new generation of decision makers. Djibouti
is anxious that the society takes its rightful place and to be able to speak on matters
affecting them directly, it’s right to liberty, justice, responsibility and
transparency. And on the occasion of a true reconciliation conference, these
representatives of the Civil Society, together with the Warlords must come together to agree in definitive terms on the
road to peace and national harmony, a Somalia which is led by the best, among all
generations and in particular by those who inspire confidence for the notions of law,
justice and peace in the interest of all, and those who want to exploit the misfortune of
their people to empowered. We welcome those men and women who've maintained their values
and invariably demonstrated responsible behavior, intellectual and spiritual power who are
ready, free and willing to accept terminal solutions to this incredible tragedy in
consonance with their cultural heritage. We accept and encourage that its their democratic
rights to choose their Regional and National leaders in accordance with an agreed formula.
The Warlords must agree to
convert their factions into political parties that compete in elections, if they so
choose. The Warlords must agree to
commit to a complete and verifiable disarmament of their combatants and they must submit
to the primacy of law. The Somali Society must agree to the demands of the International
Community to assist in the restoration of normalcy of law and order and respect the
creation of a Somali Police Force that will also integrate forces of the various militias.
Some countries, within and without the Horn of Africa, who have been providing fuel to the
Somalia Civil War must reconsider on various levels the agony of the Civil
Society if the Somali War is continued. I call on all the actors of the Civil War
in Somalia to review their priorities in the light of peace in Somalia. There is enough of
this. If the Warlords totally accept, the OAU and the UN, as
well countries in the region must work together to assist Somalia in its transition. The
UN and the countries in the region need to work together, and the UN will be required to
establish a post conflict peace building office in Somalia to initiate projects in support
of a process including coordinating and monitoring legislative and presidential elections.
PHASE TWO. If, however, these reasonable proposals and measures are spurned by the
Warlords, then the international Community will have to demonstrate vigorously that it can
not let the persecution of the Somali Civil Society to continue unaddressed indefinitely.
Accordingly, the Warlords must be charged for crimes against humanity, for the abuse of
power, including in aiding and abetting wanton persecution of civilians, the preaches of
violations of human rights, causing state collapse and destruction of the country, to
endless violence and unpredictable behavior. The Warlords have robbed Somalia's children
of their youth; they have the nation of hope in the future and sentenced the Somali people
to a precarious existence. Furthermore, stringent sanctions must be imposed on the
Warlords not agreeing to the demand of the International Community to restore peace and
the framework of government to Somalia. They must be confined to their bleak and embattled
areas and banned from freedom of movement. Any and all foreign support or assistance of
money and materials must be banned; all their assets in all forms and wherever they maybe
located must be frozen.
PHASE THREE. If the measures
outlined in the earlier phases fail to accomplish the objective sought, due to obvious
obstructions from the Warlords, we would be confronted with
two difficult choices. We could continue to remain indifference and do nothing in the
decade-old siege of Somalia, or regional organizations to which Somalia belongs,
principally the OAU and LEAGUE of ARAB STATES and with the support of the UN and other
countries could decide that it was up to them to redress the situation, using all
necessary means, given the principal that no State or Criminal Warlords
for that matter would be allowed indefinitely to commit gross human rights
violations and hold the country hostage for ever. These are the critical scenarios that we
need to talk about, because however one wishes to forget Somalia, it will not simply go
away. We must do something about it. And we must do that sooner, rather than later.
In conclusion, I wish to reiterate that we must stop our
complacency with the Warlords and that any future processes
should be more closely tied to the Somali Civil Society.
IT IS ALSO IMPORTANT TO REPORT THAT NOT ALL PARTS OF THE
COUNTRY ARE THE SAME. NOT ALL ARE IN ANARCHY. INDEED IT IS EVOLVING INTO A COUNTRY OF
STARK CONTRASTS BETWEEN THE TROUBLED CENTRAL AND SOUTHERN REGIONS AND THE RALATIVELY
STABLE AND PEACEFUL NORTH, NAMELY THE SELF-DECLARED "SOMALILAND"
AND THE PUNTLAND REGION. THESE TWO REGIONS WERE
FORTUNATE ENOUGH TO ESCAPE MOST OF THE CONFLICT THAT RAVAGED OTHER PARTS OF THE COUNTRY
DURING THE 90's. THEY MADE STRENOUS EFFORTS TO STRENGTHEN SECURITY AND TO CARRY OUT
LIMITED ECONOMIC RECONSTRUCTIONS PROGRAM LARGELY ON THEIR OWN, SINCE THE INTERNATIONAL
COMMUNITY IS WEARY OF PROVIDING ANY MEANIGFUL ASSISTANCE FOR PLITICAL AND SECURITY
REASONS.
THE REALITY IS THAT IN THE CONTEXT OF SOMALIA, CITIES,
REGIONS AND COMMUNITIES ARE DEFINING THEIR OWN FUTURE. THIS MOVE TOWARD DECENTRALIZATION OR SELF-ADMINISTRATION BY MANY PARTS AND
COMMUNITIES OF THE COUNTRY IS FUELED BY THE NEED TO SURVIVE. THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY,
THREFORE, NEED TO SUPPORT ECONOMOCALLY THESE REGIONS OR COMMUNITIES THAT HAVE ACHIEVED
RELATIVE PEACE, SECURITY AND DEVOLOPMENT. WE MUST REWARD THOSE
WHO HAVE MADE SERIOUS EFFORTS TO RESTORE SECURITY AND PEACE TO PROTECT HUMAN RIGHTS AND TO
PROVIDE BASIC SERVICES TO THEIR PEOPLE, INCLUDING INSTITUTIONAL FRAMEWORK AND DE-MINING.
LET ME ALSO EXPRESS OUR GRATITUDE FOR THE UNITED NATIONS
AGENCIES AND THEIR PARTNERS WHO HAVE BEEN CARING FOR THE SOMALI PEOPLE, DESPITE SECURITY
RISKS POSED TO THEIR PERSONEL, PARTICULARLY UNDP, UFDA AND THEIR PARTNERS WHO HAVE BROUGHT
FOOD TO THE SOMALI PEOPLE. HOWEVER, THESE LAUDABLE EFFORTS SEEMS TO INDICATE FATIQUE, EVEN
FRUSTRATION DUE TO INADIQUTE DONOR SUPPORT AS REFLECTED IN THE WEAK RESPONSE TO THE UNITED
NATIONS 1999 APPEAL. WE URGE THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY TO CONTINUE SUPPORTING THE SOMALI
PEOPLE IN THESE EXTREMELY DIFFICULT TIMES, PARTICULARLY IN THE LIGHT OF THE LONG DRAUGHT AGGRAVATED BY THE LONG-RUNNING CIVIL WAR.
THANK YOU MR. PRESIDENT
(PROLONGED APPLAUSE)
H.E. GURIAB, PRESIDENT OF 54TH GENERAL ASSEMBLY:
ON BEHALF OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY I WISH TO THANK THE
PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF DJIBOUTI FOR THE STATEMENT. MAY I REQUEST THE REPRESENTATIVES
TO REMAIN SEATED WHILE THE SECRETAY GENERAL AND I ESCORT HIS EXCELLENCY
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