After nearly a decade of post-Cold War interventionism and the politics of human rights, things are changing in Washington. The Sept. 11 attacks have flipped U.S. geopolitical thinking on its ear, opening opportunities for second- and third-tier powers to exploit the anti-terrorism campaign. They now will be able to pursue their own local and regional interests – with Washington's blessings.

The United States has garnered the support of many expected – and unexpected – allies in its self-proclaimed war on terrorism. Britain is leading the peacekeeping forces in Afghanistan, Germany and Japan are both making their largest overseas deployments since the end of World War II, and former rogues like Sudan are offering intelligence and support to the U.S.-led campaign.

These contributions, however, are more than a show of solidarity with the United States in its time of trouble. The fight against terrorism is transforming the international geopolitical system, creating opportunities for nations around the world to exploit Washington's sudden shift in attention. Part of the fallout of Sept. 11 is that issues that once were key, like the potential rise of China as a global power, have become lower priorities. This change means Washington will no longer restrain many secondary and tertiary powers from pursuing their own local and regional interests – so long as they tie those interests to the concept of anti-terrorism.

For Washington, this shift entails a surge in support for its immediate goal not only from traditional European and Asian allies but also from many states formerly considered pariahs or at least undesirables. For countries like Germany and Japan, the war on terror offers an opportunity to expand their own re-emergence into the international security system while proving their worth to the United States. More importantly over the longer term, however, Washington may condone – or at least not condemn – actions by other nations that it would not have countenanced under policy guidelines heavily influenced by the concept of human rights.

U.S. geopolitical thinking has flipped upside down. Washington, rather than having easily defined enemies like the Soviet Union during the Cold War and missile-proliferating rogue nations thereafter, now has an ill-defined and highly diffuse enemy: terrorism.

To effectively tackle the issue, the United States is looking to, and accepting assistance from, nearly every quarter of the globe. For their part, allies new and old are seeking to exploit the change in U.S. attitudes, finally turning to their own advantage the United States' position as the dominant power. In essence, other nations are portraying their national interests as commensurate with Washington's broader agenda.

This is happening in two ways.

For some states, such as Germany and Japan, Washington's consuming focus on terrorism offers an opportunity both to advance their own domestic agendas and to show their usefulness to the United States. As part of their contributions to the anti-terrorism coalition, Berlin and Tokyo have deployed their largest overseas military contingents since World War II – Japan to the Indian Ocean and Germany to the Horn of Africa. This not only sets a precedent for future deployments but also demonstrates their value to the United States – and they can do this while accepting few serious risks.

London, too, has stepped forward, offering to lead the peacekeeping force in Afghanistan. This has served both to assert Britain's role as the United States' foremost ally and to give London greater control over the future shape of operations in Afghanistan, rather than leaving it to be drawn into a U.S.-created situation over which it will have little control.

On the other side of the coin are nations that are exploiting the new U.S. agenda to press local and regional policies that Washington would have frowned upon prior to Sept. 11. This is becoming evident throughout Africa, the Middle East and Asia, with India and Israel extreme examples.

Israel has broadened its campaign against Palestinian militants, incurring only weak criticism from the United States. Meanwhile, New Delhi has raised to a new level the issue of Kashmir and Pakistan's alleged support for militants, shifting tens of thousands of troops to the border and implicitly threatening nuclear war. Washington's long-term relationship with Islamabad, which was never entirely stable, is shifting into obscurity now that the U.S. goals in Afghanistan are nearly achieved. India, then, has gained substantially more room to threaten and bring force against Pakistan than ever before.

Elsewhere in Asia, the United States is increasing or re-establishing military cooperation with nations facing internal security threats, like the Philippines and Indonesia. These countries, which have known Muslim separatism and militantism for decades, now gain U.S. weapons and training, get potential human rights issues overlooked and don't have to concede to U.S. interventionism within their borders.

Other examples abound in Africa, which is taking on greater significance to the United States in its continued pursuit of al-Qaida. Ethiopia has allegedly deployed troops into southern Somalia, likely with the underlying goal of supporting a semi-autonomous local government that would provide port access to the landlocked nation. Although this may undermine the United Nations-backed interim government in Somalia, Ethiopia's actions could help block the return of al-Qaida members fleeing Afghanistan.

Algeria is also offering assistance. It was the first Arab country to publicly provide Washington with a list of suspected terrorists. Algeria is using alleged links between al-Qaida and domestic groups – including the Salafist Group for Preaching and Combat, an offshoot of the Armed Islamic Group – to gain Washington's support and perhaps assistance in ending a 10-year civil war.

Even Sudan, a country attacked by the United States following the 1998 African embassy bombings, is offering assistance. But in exchange, Khartoum wants Washington to reduce its support for the Southern People's Liberation Movement/Army. The United States is one of the largest funding sources for Operation Lifeline Sudan, a U.N.-led initiative providing relief and supplies to southern rebels.

With the hunt for al-Qaida and affiliated groups a continuing priority, Washington is opening the door to a massive shift in the global geopolitical situation. Around the world, new opportunities have been presented to nations long held in check by the global dominance of the United States. Secondary and tertiary powers are now at greater liberty to pursue their own interests without fear of repercussions from the United States – so long as they lay them out as part of the war on terrorism.