subsaharan politics of tribalism....

Analysis

[SW Analysis] (Addis Tribune - Y.C.Metiku ) Sub-Saharan "Ethnic Politics" - a Political Force Or an Easy Way to Brigandage? : Posted on [16 Feb 2002]

Sub-Saharan "Ethnic Politics" - a Political Force Or an Easy Way to Brigandage?

Story Filed: Friday, February 15, 2002 2:20 PM EST

Feb 15, 2002 (Addis Tribune/All Africa Global Media via COMTEX) -- The root of the matter is so bare, we need not search for the help of so many telescopes in intellectual sophistications to see it. The truth is, there is no such thing as "ethnic politics". "Politics", as gruesome as at times it could be, and as practiced at different scenes and levels, has at least some tone of dignified elevation beyond the ordinary human ego. It at least involves some 'art' of ruling. The positions of the "tribalists" or ethnic ideologues in the world of African statesmanship are basically so low in personal stature and mean-spirited in vision to qualify as 'political forces', even in the contexts of the most doggerel political literatures like the so-called "professional revolutionaries" in the Leninist doctrine.

The underlying phenomenon during the last forty years history of the African states, (ten years in the cases of Ethiopia and Eritrea), was an embarrassing power struggle among individuals of either good-for-nothing (personal qualities) in ordinary life or personas with exaggerated egomaniac tendencies, basically using 'ethnic identity' or pride or the colonial background of territorial partitioning of the African continent as means of "divide and rule". The struggle, whether we like it or not, leaves us with indelible scars and potential poisons behind. In most situations, such strategies for grabbing power backfire or misfire at some point in time so as to be antidotes of their own poison. The backlash comes mainly from the very rude characters of individuals who happen to be ignorant of their own ignorance and repugnant in all their public countenances and with absolutely rigid outlooks, apparently emanating from low self-esteem. A fair characterization of using 'tribalism' as a political tool may be provided in the following insightful descriptions:-

"Tribalists think [and preach]... that the men and women of their tribe [or ethnic group] ... are superior to others, and that as a result the others should serve and obey them. [They try] to impose the hegemony, the predominance of their tribes... Tribalist ideas and feeling are used most often to create a clientele who can help them to satisfy their selfish interests and ambitions. Tribalism is expressed in different forms, of which the following are the main ones:-

1. "The tribalist constantly exaggerates and boasts about the qualities, merits and good deeds of the tribe... on the other hand he refuses to recognize their faults, and even tries systematically to hide them. With respect to other [ethnic groups], exactly the opposite attitude prevails."

2. "The tribalist indulges freely in liberalism and favoritism towards people of his tribe... By contrast, he is in general very sectarian towards people of other [ethnic groups]..."

3. "The tribalist tries to grant all privileges and posts of responsibility to the people of his tribe."

4. "Conversely, the tribalist seeks to exempt his own people from their duties and obligations... from the most dangerous or humiliating missions."

5. "The tribalist practices... favoritism in the division of material benefits and the distribution of material services."

6. "Occasionally, the tribalist even believes that those who are not his tribe are too rich and fortunate to deserve his help."

7. "Some extend tribalism as far as preferring marriage between black women and white men to marriage between the tribes."

8. "In politics, the supreme expression of tribalism consists of demanding the formation of so-called independent republics which in fact have tribal basis; failing this, tribalists demand 'federation with regional autonomy' with the distribution of political and administrative power following tribalist lines." (CRISP (1965), Instructions Politiques et Militaire de Partisans Congolais (1964-65), pp. 51-52)

As it is obvious from the above characterization, and assuming that we agree with it, tribalism is aesthetically ugly, intellectually illogical and practically inefficient. The ugliness mostly shows of as a mode of blatant extortion of rightful possessions of the humbler citizens by the league of the weak, and in its tendency to insult the intelligence of others, in so doing. That explains why such strategies of preserving power more often result in ludicrous contradictions and self inflicting painful wounds. The current internal power struggles in Ethiopia and Eritrea may be typical cases in point. If one learns just from the African experience, such examples are stupendous. Varying in intensity, we can discern them in the shabby politicization of ethnicity across many of the sub-Saharan African States. The tactic has been reluctantly used in Nigeria, and more resolutely, with tragic consequences, in Burundi/Rwanda, all ending up in shameful social disasters. Elsewhere in Africa, somewhat in between the above two extremes, we find a whole battle field of greed. At the end of the day, such behaviors prove to be not only suicidal but also betray human malice at its most (par excellence!)

In Kenya, the regime of Daniel Arap Moi took over power apparently to ensure the revenge of the Kalenjin ethnic group over the long predominance or alleged predominance of the Kikuyu. Logically, therefore, the security and safety of individuals in key positions of the regime rely on staying in power. In Ethiopia, the regime of the Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), spearheaded by the Tigrean Liberation Front (TPLF) and directed by Mr.Meles Zenawi, controlled central power ten years ago evidently with the intention of ensuring the predominance of Tigrean or other non-Amahara interests over the alleged predominance of the Amhara ruling class.

In 1964, the alleged "Arab dominance" in Zanzibar was revenged by a revolutionary seizure of Arab properties by the "Africans". The rivalries between Igbo and non-Igbo groups in Port Harcourt, between Yoruba and Hausa in Ibadan (Nigeria) and other similar occurrences in the Congo Leopoldville, Rwanda, Burundi and others signify not ethnic conflicts per se but just sheer power struggles for the control of either major resources (wealth) or political power or both, by certain groups playing the ethnic card. (See H. Wolpe, Urban Politics in Nigeria... (1974), pp.

232-233)

In Uganda, the 1960s crisis occurred as a result of the anger or resentment or jealousy of the self imposed 'representatives' of the other ethnic groups at the historical advantages of the Baganda ethnic group, which they got from the British imperial favors.

Ultimately, the bitterness accruing from such irresponsible conducts for the sake of short-sighted and short-term gains plant poisonous seeds for potential disasters. The hatred of the Luo and Kalenjin towards the Kikuyu in Kenya can be paralleled with the joint resentment of the Tigrean and Oromo groups within the EPRDF towards the Amharas in Ethiopia. In both of those situations, the main issue is not as much on an equitable distribution of power as it is over the lions share of the spoils of power struggle. Even within obviously homogenous societies, like Somalia, a complete internal harmony is an exception rather than the rule, let alone states shredded with a plethora of tribes. (There are more than one thousand distinct tribes with their own languages in Africa.)

There are several conflicts of interest even from among family members, which cannot be resolved by any sort of benign umpire from heaven, much less by pretending to be the protector of an "ethnic" interest, or even worse, national interest. There are gender conflicts, even age group conflicts of interest, conflicts of interest between the warriors (the bullies) and ordinary (humble) citizens, between the intellectuals and the licentious, and so forth. A well developed unitary polity with nationally applicable "rule of law", which is ethnic-blind seems to be the solution, not the so called 'representatives' of ethnic interest.

Conclusion:

In the overall sub-Saharan African political ethos, so long as a larger chunk of the negative vestiges of colonialism predominate, ethnicity as a political tool in the long run may, of course, involve several thoughts in the dimensions of social sciences like anthropology or sociology in the academic world, but in practical politics, especially in the contemporary African context of increasing ignorance and backwardness, ethnicity or ethnic politics exist as a blatant, gruesome instruments of accumulating private wealth and an easy accesses to unearned political power. In short, ethnic politics is an excuse to the profession of brigandage.

by Yohannes Chane Metiku

KEYWORD: PanAfrica

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