
Confessions of a Hero
Mike Shanklin's Bond-like ability to keep cool
in the face of danger made him a great spy. His Bond-like ability
to bend the rules made him a former spy.
By Vernon Loeb
Washington Post Staff Writer
Sunday, April 29, 2001; Page F01
APPLAUSE FILLED THE AUDITORIUM
at CIA headquarters as Mike Shanklin strode across the stage,
shook hands with the agency's director and received its
second-highest honor, the Intelligence Star, for bravery in
Somalia.
It was a moment Hollywood might have scripted
for a spy who made his name working the back streets in Africa and
the Middle East, and learned to talk his way out of trouble as he
looked down the barrel of a gun.
Now cut to seven years later. Shanklin, applause
turned to silence, is walking away from the CIA, dejected and
bitter. He'd always been cool under fire. But the agency's
unyielding polygraph examiners shook him in a way no rebel with an
AK-47 ever could.
He tried to come clean about rules he broke
along the way. He hoped his candor -- and his heroics -- would be
enough to compensate for what at bottom were breaches of proper
procedure, not betrayals. But in the end, the CIA showed him the
door for "personal conduct, security violations, and outside
activities."
His is an espionage story of our time, written
by security bureaucrats on the gray side of the spy business that
Hollywood has no interest in. Far from the movie hero he seemed to
be at the height of his career, Shanklin today is like a character
straight out of a novel by John LeCarre, loyal to the service but
deeply ambivalent about what it has become.
Ever since Aldrich H. Ames was unmasked as a
Soviet mole who'd operated for years inside the CIA despite all
sorts of missed warning signals, the agency has been taking
potential security infractions, typically turned up during routine
polygraph examinations, much more seriously.
Indeed, no sooner had Ames been packed off to
jail than CIA security began working its way through a list of 350
officers who had registered "indications of deception"
on the polygraph -- glitches that in the past had been possible to
explain away, without further investigation.
But there would be no more leniency. The agency
found one mole in that group -- former CIA officer Harold J.
Nicholson, now serving a 23-year sentence -- and upended dozens of
careers. And with accused spy Robert P. Hanssen in prison and
awaiting indictment sometime next month for alleged crimes at
least as spectacular as those of Ames, the same process has
already begun inside the FBI.
Many veterans of the CIA and the FBI believe
that the pendulum may have swung too far, and the agencies'
obsessive focus on security and counterintelligence will end up
muting their own effectiveness, driving some of the most capable
people -- people like Mike Shanklin -- out of the business.
"Whatever got Mike Shanklin crosswise with
'the process' simply cannot obscure the role Shanklin and those
just like him played when times were tough," said Milt
Bearden, a retired CIA station chief for whom Shanklin worked in
Sudan in the mid-1980s.
"When I'm in the midst of an East African
revolution and need someone to blend into a howling mob with a
radio under his robe," Bearden said, "I need a Mike
Shanklin and not some slightly more 'perfected' officer that the
process may seem to seek today."
CIA spokesman Bill Harlow said he could not
comment on the specifics of Shanklin's case. But he did
acknowledge Shanklin was a "highly regarded" operative
who did a "terrific job not just in Somalia, but throughout
his career.
"There's nothing we would like better than
a highly regarded, heroic case officer being part of the
organization," Harlow said. "We've got to try to
maintain some consistency -- and it is painful when you see good
people run afoul of rules and regulations. But the regulations are
not arbitrary and capricious."
Shanklin, a former Marine major and Vietnam
veteran who grew up poor in the Watts section of Los Angeles,
isn't asking anybody to feel sorry for him. He prides himself for
earning everything he achieved during 13 years at the CIA. And he
remains unwavering in his loyalty to the agency.
Indeed, as one of the few African American case
officers there, Shanklin said he was "never inhibited because
of my race -- if anything, I was given a lot of opportunities to
do a lot of unique things" because being black enabled him to
operate in areas his white colleagues could not.
He also recognizes that he brought his problems
on himself -- and feels more than a little guilty about possibly
dishonoring the agency. "I have to take responsibility for
breaking the rules -- and I broke the rules," said Shanklin,
whose major transgression seems to have been an unreported affair
with a foreigner -- a woman he ended up marrying.
But he still thinks he deserves a break --
because he still thinks he has something to offer.
"Are they treating me any differently than
they would treat anybody else? Probably not," Shanklin said.
"But I don't think I am anybody else. I'm the guy who went
anywhere they wanted me to go anytime they wanted me to go. But
when I needed them to cut me some slack, they said, 'No, you broke
the rules.' "
In Harm's Way
Michael Louis Shanklin, 58, still can't say much
about his career at the CIA, which put him in some very tight
spots in some very inhospitable countries -- Sudan, Chad, Algeria,
Jordan, Liberia. But he gained the most notoriety in a country
that was probably the most inhospitable of them all, Somalia.
Shanklin became deputy chief of station in
Mogadishu in 1990, when guerrillas under the leadership of Gen.
Mohamed Farah Aideed began closing in on the brutal 20-year
dictatorship of Mohamed Siad Barre.
For months, Shanklin worked night and day
cultivating a relationship with a wealthy businessman in North
Mogadishu. Thepowerful and well-connected young man with his own
private army -- whose name Shanklin cannot reveal -- ultimately
became a prized CIA "asset," providing valuable
information and insights as civil war engulfed Somalia. The U.S.
government didn't pick sides in the fight, but wanted to avoid any
nasty surprises.
Shanklin said he forged an extremely close bond
of loyalty with his prized recruit. As chaos descended on
Mogadishu, Shanklin also became acquainted with the man's close
friend and companion, Stefania Pace, an Italian physician working
for a humanitarian organization. Tragedy would ultimately befall
all of them in Somalia. And Pace would come to rely on Shanklin
for solace -- and then, far more.
Shanklin left Somalia the first time in January
1991 as guerrilla factions finally drove Barre from power and took
over Mogadishu before turning their guns on one another. The U.S.
government ordered its embassy evacuated.
With every American in Somalia huddled at the
embassy, Shanklin's boss told him he had left some critical
intelligence -- Shanklin can't say exactly what -- back at his
residence. Shanklin bailed him out, driving into the battle,
through small arms fire, to retrieve it. A short time later he was
gone, one of the last Americans out of the country, lifting off in
a chopper carrying the U.S. ambassador.
Shanklin spent all of five days at CIA
headquarters before the agency sent him off to the Persian Gulf
War as an intelligence liaison to the U.S. military, where Scud
missile attacks punctuated his days. From there, he went to
Liberia as chief of the CIA's operation there.
When he returned in the fall of 1992, Shanklin
told his superiors he just wanted an assignment where the lights
go on when you flick the switch, and the water runs when you turn
the tap.
Nobody could say he hadn't earned some ease.
He'd held down company interests in an African country flooded
with assassins hunting CIA officers. He'd slipped into the Middle
East on a tourist visa and driven a fellow officer to safety
through a series of security checkpoints where guards would have
loved nothing more than to execute a couple of American spies.
Shanklin got the milk run he was after, assigned
to London as a CIA liaison with the British intelligence service.
It didn't last long.
At Thanksgiving, when then-President George Bush
approved sending a division of Marines to Somalia to assure that
relief supplies got to hundreds of thousands of starving people,
the CIA tapped Shanklin to secretly enter the country with an
intelligence force responsible for making sure the troops could
land without casualties. With his top Somali asset providing
logistical support, the Americans flew in on small aircraft and
landed at a remote airstrip far to the north of Mogadishu. Just
being in Mogadishu put them all in danger. It was a crazed,
lawless environment where enforcers prowled the streets in "technicals"
-- jeeps with mounted machine guns -- and virtually everyone
carried weapons they weren't the least bit shy about firing.
When the Marines waded ashore in South Mogadishu
on Dec. 9, 1992, Shanklin's men and their Somali agents had the
beach under surveillance and felt confident Aideed's gunners would
not attack. Shanklin wasn't nearly so confident when a band of
armed thugs held up his vehicle in North Mogadishu a short while
later as he drove his boss, the CIA station chief, through
contested terrain to meet an asset.
The marauders stole an automatic weapon from a
CIA security guard seated next to Shanklin. Shanklin got out of
the car, looked down the barrel of a rifle pointing in his face
and told the chief bandit to calm down. He was sure he and his two
colleagues were about to be executed. But when the gun-filcher
caused a moment of distraction by running off to admire his
high-tech contraband, Shanklin jumped back in his four-wheel drive
and floored it.
Operation Restore Hope had begun.
'That Blood Is My Blood'
Not long after Shanklin returned to his cushy
assignment in London, he realized he hated being
someplace where the lights worked and the water ran. He didn't
have long to fret. By the summer of 1993, Mogadishu was again in
turmoil. As the United Nations tried to return a semblance of
order to Somalia, Aideed began increasing his armed presence in
Mogadishu and filling the airwaves with anti-U.N. rhetoric from a
radio station he controlled. When Pakistani peacekeepers went to
make an inventory in early June of weapons Aideed had been allowed
to store at the broadcast center, 24 were killed in an ambush
thought to have been carried out by Aideed's men.
The U.N. responded by ordering Aideed's arrest,
turning the peacekeeping operation into a posse. Shanklin's young
businessman friend in North Mogadishu became a key to the manhunt,
possessed of the connections necessary to locate Aideed. It only
made sense to summon Shanklin from London to run his prized
recruit.
The destruction in Mogadishu looked like Berlin
in 1945. Everything -- houses, buildings, hospitals, schools --
was demolished, as if it had been carpet bombed. Roads were
littered with wreckage. The smell of burning garbage permeated the
city.
While he and his contact had both left at the
height of the civil war, Shanklin was amazed to find out that
Stefania Pace, the Italian doctor, had stayed behind and continued
to run her aid organization through the worst of the fighting.
Shanklin didn't frighten easily, but Somalia
scared him -- the chaos, the destruction and the constant eruption
of gunfire, now aimed by Aideed's men at the Americans hunting
their chief.
After four American soldiers were killed by a
command-detonated mine in early August, President Clinton ordered
130 Delta Force commandos, 160 Army Rangers and 16 helicopters to
Somalia to capture Aideed.
Shanklin knew capture was unlikely: Aideed was
moving every couple of hours to avoid capture and his men were
heavily armed. But he thought that the CIA's network of spies
would be able to at least locate the rogue warlord, thanks largely
to the services of his star asset -- a man so well connected that
after Shanklin told him about the bandits' theft of the CIA rifle,
he went right out and got it back.
But the asset wouldn't be able to help this
time. One evening a few weeks after Shanklin's return, the young
businessman stood with a handful of trusted lieutenants on the
front lawn of his villa, playing the ultimate high-stakes game:
Russian roulette. Shanklin had heard rumors that his friend had
done this before -- a crazy test of machismo against the
background of deadly chaos -- but had never been able to confirm
it. Until now.
The man pointed a revolver at the head of one
aide and pulled the trigger. The gun didn't fire. He pointed it at
the head of another and pulled the trigger. Another empty chamber.
He pointed it at a third man and pulled. Empty again. Then he put
the gun to his own head -- and fired a bullet into his brain.
Pace, always terrified by what she called her
companion's "passion for guns," heard the shot and
peered down from a balcony to see him lying in a pool of blood.
Shanklin received a frantic radio call and
rushed to the hospital where he found one of the man's closest
confidants wandering the halls in a shirt soaked with his friend's
blood.
"That blood is my blood," Shanklin
told the Somali, handing him a new shirt and taking the stained
garment.
By morning, his friend had died.
Shanklin told Pace, who wept in his arms.
Down and Dirty
As the huge Delta contingent settled in over the
next several days, the CIA took stock of its intelligence assets
on the ground and despaired.
"We thought we were screwed, we really
did," Shanklin recalled. He and his agency colleagues
believed that with the death of his friend, Shanklin's ability to
organize Somali surveillance teams capable of penetrating South
Mogadishu and finding Aideed had been destroyed.
But Shanklin soon realized the Somali he'd taken
the bloody shirt from at the hospital was nearly as well
positioned as his friend had been. So he pitched a plan to Garrett
Jones, the CIA's station chief: He would get down and dirty,
mingling with his dead asset's associates on their turf. At a time
when Americans were being actively hunted by Aideed, Shanklin
proposed taking an agency team 15 miles from the relatively safe
CIA station in the embassy compound into the teeth of the conflict
to operate out of a safe house in North Mogadishu.
The whole operation was predicated on Shanklin's
ability to get a large team of 15 Americans in and out -- fast, if
need be -- and manage their own security in a terrifyingly
insecure environment. The team included four heavily armed Navy
SEALs. But those commandos could not have held off a full-scale
assault by Aideed's forces -- and Shanklin never could rule out
the possibility that Aideed had a mole among the asset's men. The
risks were great and Shanklin's cover thin: There were so many
antennas sprouting from the villa's roof that people in the
neighborhood started calling it the CNN house.
After almost three weeks, Shanklin was told by
one of his Somali spies that Aideed knew where he was.
"I called Garrett and said, 'Look, this
thing has been compromised, let's get the [blank] out of here,'
" Shanklin said.
That night, U.S. helicopters landed at an
abandoned soccer stadium half a mile from the safe house and
evacuated Shanklin and his spy team. But he maintained contact
with Somali lookouts, who would soon prove their value.
When Aideed proved unfindable, the lookouts
developed a contact who met regularly with Osman Ato, a wealthy
businessman, arms importer and Aideed money man whose name was
right below Aideed's on the CIA wanted list.
Shanklin remembered a plan, never executed, to
give Aideed an ivory-handled cane with an electronic locator
hidden inside. The magic cane was still around. He had his
lookouts give it to their contact to present to Ato. With a
surveillance helicopter monitoring the cane's beacon from above,
the contact climbed into a car in North Mogadishu that was
supposed to take him to meet Ato. But when the car stopped for
gas, one of Shanklin's lookouts radioed him and said Ato was
already in the car.
Shanklin immediately called Delta, which
launched within minutes.
A Little Bird helicopter found the car and
swooped so low that a sniper was able to lean out of the chopper
and fire three clean shots into the vehicle's engine. The car
ground to a halt as Delta Force commandos roped down from a
hovering Blackhawk helicopter and handcuffed Ato -- the first
known helicopter take-down of people in a moving car.
But success in Mogadishu was fleeting. A little
less than two weeks later, on Oct. 3, 1993, a Sunday afternoon,
Shanklin was relaxing at his hilltop base near the airstrip when
he heard over his radio that an American helicopter had been shot
down during a large operation aimed at arresting a cadre of top
Aideed lieutenants.
Soon, Mogadishu exploded with the most intense
combat engaged in by U.S. forces since Vietnam. The battle
continued throughout the night after a second Blackhawk was downed
and two truck convoys tried and failed to reach 90 American
soldiers pinned down deep in Aideed territory. In the end, 18
American soldiers were killed and 84 were wounded. That was the
end of this country's manhunt for Aideed -- and, for all intents
and purposes, its interest in Somalia. Shanklin left a few days
later.
"Whatever our policy was, it ended October
3," Shanklin said. "From an agency standpoint, this
thing was over. I wanted to get out of there."
The following July, Shanklin was back in London,
bored out of his mind, when he got a call from a Somali contact
who told him that Pace, the Italian doctor, had returned to Rome
but was still depressed and traumatized by her friend's death. On
her motorbike rides to and from work, she found herself hoping for
an accident that would put her out of her misery.
Shanklin got permission from CIA headquarters to
visit her.
Pace had carried on in Mogadishu for months,
living on emotional autopilot, working long hours distributing
relief supplies and arranging flights of food and medicine into
the country.
"I was trying to cope with it by not coping
with it, trying to keep myself busy, busy, busy," she said.
"But I felt the need to leave, because I knew that I had to
mourn, and I hadn't yet."
She found little relief in Rome. "I felt
like I was totally isolated. I didn't want to live, but I knew I
had to. My parents had only me. I needed to talk to somebody who
knew Somalia. Nobody, not even my dearest friends, could relate to
what I had done. So Mike came and he really did me a lot of
good."
Purely by coincidence, Pace and Shanklin say,
they met again the following month in Nairobi. By the end of the
year, they both realized they were beginning to fall in love, even
though she wasn't sure she was ready for another serious
relationship and Shanklin, while separated, was still entangled in
a failed marriage.
The romance posed a serious career problem. From
the start, Shanklin decided not to tell the CIA about the affair,
even though he knew that "close and continuing"
relationships with foreign nationals had to be immediately
reported to security officials empowered to decide whether a
particular relationship was appropriate.
He knew he would be yanked back to headquarters
and investigated. With Pace planning to take a full-time job
running a Somalia relief operation out of Kenya, he wasn't
prepared to leave her behind.
"I knew I was screwing up," he said.
"But we had become committed to each other."
Faced with a choice between Pace and the CIA,
Shanklin picked Pace, came back to the United States and retired
-- his bosses none the wiser -- even though he really didn't want
to leave the agency.
Because he would be joining Pace in Kenya, the
CIA told Shanklin he had to retire "covert," meaning he
was not allowed to tell anyone he had spent 13 years working for
the CIA. But Shanklin violated this "covert"
arrangement, telling several large American companies that he
approached for employment as a security consultant about his CIA
background.
He finally landed a job in 1997 as a
representative for an American armored car company in Kenya, but
that was far from the kind of security consulting work he had in
mind.
Watching Shanklin's frustrations grow, Pace quit
her job. "We both have given up a lot for each other,"
she said. "This is what happens when two adult people -- not
20-year-olds -- meet across the oceans."
They moved to Fairfax three years ago; she
recently received a master's degree in public health from George
Washington University. And he went back to the place he knew best,
the CIA, hoping to be cleared for work as a contractor in security
or training.
Thousands of former CIA employees go the
contractor route and get their "green badges" --
security passes that give them access to CIA installations -- as a
way to maintain a relationship with the agency.
But to get his badge, Shanklin had to pass a
routine polygraph examination.
Before the test began, Shanklin admitted he had
failed to divulge his "close and continuing"
relationship with Pace. But that admission, he said, only seemed
to raise suspicions and whet the polygraph operator's appetite for
more. The test went badly. Another was scheduled.
It went even worse, despite Shanklin's decision
to be honest. He admitted talking with a ghostwriter who was
helping a colleague write a novel (so far unpublished). He
admitted telling prospective American employers in Kenya about his
CIA employment. He admitted helping a Somali youth whose feet had
been blown off by a land mine get medical attention by stating he
was related to a CIA asset, when he was not.
The more he told, Shanklin said, the more the
polygraphers wanted to hear. At one point, with no evidence, they
insinuated he might have been involved in his asset's gunshot
death. That, said Shanklin, pushed him over the edge. He got into
a screaming match with the polygrapher. The test was a disaster.
Another was scheduled a month later. There were
more questions about relationships with foreign nationals and
compromises of classified information. Shanklin says he had
nothing left to admit but still felt his emotions surge, sending
the needle on the polygraph jumping.
"They think that I'm holding something back
-- and I'm not," Shanklin said. "And because they can't
prove that, the best course of action is, we don't care what he
did in the past or how great he was, we have grounds to get rid of
him. He broke our rules."
With Shanklin's security review still
unresolved, he and Pace went to Fairfax City Hall one day in June
1998 and tied the knot, hoping the CIA would stop bugging him
about their relationship.
One final polygraph test was scheduled. Shanklin
said he still felt quite nervous, but thought he had done okay.
The result was inconclusive.
Months passed. He was working as an
international security consultant but had nowhere near the options
a green badge would have offered. He started calling senior CIA
officials. They were polite but couldn't help.
Finally in December -- almost three years after
that first failed polygraph -- a two-page letter arrived from the
CIA: Green badge denied. His wife hid it so as not to spoil an
upcoming trip to Italy. Just after Christmas, at her parents' home
in Tolfa outside Rome, she finally broke the bad news.
"I was hurt, disappointed," Shanklin
recalled. "I was hoping they would have said, 'You shouldn't
have done these stupid things, and we're going to watch you, don't
do it again.' "
He arrived home in a fighting mood and called a
lawyer, who filed a notice of appeal, but ultimately convinced
Shanklin that the process would be long, expensive and probably
fruitless. "He told me, 'Mike, we can do this, but they'll
spin you around for eternity,' " Shanklin said.
On Feb. 21, he withdrew his appeal.
"I am proud of my Agency career and always
will be," he wrote. "That said, there is no longer any
requirement on my part to appeal this case or request a copy of my
file."
This weekend, the Shanklins are holding a garage
sale at their Northern Virginia town house. On Thursday they get
on a plane bound for Italy, eager to start anew, away from the
long shadow of CIA headquarters.
Shanklin figures he's already lost three years
of his life fighting the CIA and doesn't want to lose any more.
"At some point," the ex-spy said, "you've got to
turn the page."
© 2001 The Washington Post Company
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